Ministry of External Affairs Library
Foreign Affairs Documentation Bulletin
1. Smetana, Michal
Stuck on disarmament: the European Union and the 2015 NPT Review Conference
International Affairs(UK),1, 2016: 137–152 ,92 , January
The quinquennial Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) Review Conference represents a highly important event from the perspective of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Though not a party to the treaty itself, the EU has made a consistent effort since the 1990s to coordinate the positions of its member states and achieve higher visibility in the NPT review process. The aim of this article is to examine the role of the EU in the 2015 NPT Review Conference deliberations. Drawing on on-site observations, statements and in-depth research interviews, it argues that the recent institutional changes notwithstanding, the influence of the EU as a distinct actor in the NPT context remains very limited, and the EU's common position is in bigger disarray than ever before. This year's Review Conference demonstrated the widening rift between the member states, in particular in the area of nuclear disarmament and the related issues. The inability to maintain a coherent common position limits the EU ‘actorness’ and impedes its striving for relevance in the NPT forums. The dynamics outlined in this article further highlight the limits of the EU CFSP in security matters in which the national positions of individual member states are as divergent as in the case of nuclear disarmament.
***1. Arms control 2. European Union-Common foreign and security policy 3. European Union-Nuclear non-proliferation treaty
2. Hsueh, Chienwu (Alex)
ASEAN and Southeast Asian peace: Nation building, economic performance, and ASEAN’s security management
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific,1, 2016: 22-66 ,16 , January
The Southeast Asian peace literature points out at least three points of view regarding regional peace: some emphasize ASEAN's successful security management, others doubt its effectiveness, and a third body of research argues that it is achieved by a ‘capitalist peace’ trajectory. In this article, I refute the capitalist peace argument and construct a theory to bridge the two contradictory perspectives on ASEAN, arguing that the pacifying effect of ASEAN should be understood as a conditional one, which hinges on Southeast Asian countries’ economic performance. For decades, nation building and economic growth have been the main goals of Southeast Asian countries as well as the foundation to their leaders’ rule given the countries' distinct historical backgrounds. When the leaders are not able to maintain good economic performance, they tend to emphasize the nation building issues, such as provoking territorial disputes, to keep their ruling legitimacy, thus compromising ASEAN's security management. Empirical analysis of the onset of militarized interstate disputes from 1950 to 2001 confirms my argument.
***1. ASEAN-Security management 2. ASEAN-Nation building 3. ASEAN-Economic growth
3. Herzig, Edmund
A Response to ‘One Asia, or Many? Reflections from connected history’
Modern Asian Studies,1, 2016: 44-51 ,50 , January
The idea of Asia as a unity has appealed both to Europeans interested in differentiating themselves from a threatening, if inferior, Asiatic ‘other’, and to Asians keen to mark their distance from an alien and alienating Europe and West. For both groups, Asia is a useful term of alterity, although the place of ‘us’ and ‘them’ is reversed. Near the beginning of his lecture Sanjay Subrahmanyam remarks that, ‘in the play between the -emic and the -etic, the insider's and the outsider's perspective, a concept like “Asia” falls decidedly on the side of the -etic’. This point is reinforced by the fact that the European concept of Asia goes back to the Ancient Greeks (as Subrahmanyam notes), whereas the interest of Asian insiders in the concept of a homogeneous Asia is a modern phenomenon, a reaction against the assumption of superiority inherent in Western imperialism and neo-imperialism. In the case of both the European and the Asian conceptions, however, it is the viewpoint of the observer, rather than the empirical features of what is observed, that gives shape and meaning to the concept. I will use this short response to take a look at Asia from a third perspective, one that is neither fully ‘insider’ nor ‘outsider’ in character, namely that of the early modern Armenians, whose travels took them across the length and breadth of Asia, and Europe too.
***1. Asia-History 2. Homogeneous Asia
4. Subrahmanyam, Sanjay
One Asia, or Many? Reflections from connected history
Modern Asian Studies,1, 2016: 5-43 ,50 , January
It is now widely rumoured that the ‘Asian century’ is upon us. But what does this really mean? As late as 1988, Deng Xiaoping—in remarks made before the Indian prime minister, Rajiv Gandhi—expressed some scepticism about the facility of the formulation. As Deng stated then: In recent years people have been saying that the next century will be the century of Asia and the Pacific, as if that were sure to be the case. I disagree with this view. If we exclude the United States, the only countries in the Asia-Pacific region that are relatively developed are Japan, the ‘four little dragons’, Australia and New Zealand, with a total population of at most 200 million. (. . .) But the population of China and India adds up to 1.8 billion. Unless those two countries are developed, there will be no Asian century. No genuine Asia-Pacific century or Asian century can come until China, India and other neighbouring countries are developed. By the same token, there could be no Latin-American century without a developed Brazil. We should therefore regard the problem of development as one that concerns all mankind and study and solve it on that level. Only thus will we recognize that it is the responsibility not just of the developing countries but also of the developed countries. Whatever the doubts about his standing as a Marxist, then, we may say that Deng remained resolutely universalist in his perspective, at least outwardly.
***1. Asia-History 2. Asia-Civilizations 3. Mughal history
5. Schendel, Willem Van
A War Within a War: Mizo rebels and the Bangladesh liberation struggle
Modern Asian Studies,1, 2016: 75-117 ,50 , January
In 1971 a war led to the creation of Bangladesh. Instantly three narratives sprang up: the war as a national triumph, the war as betrayal and shame, and the war as a glorious campaign. Today more layered interpretations are superseding these ‘first-generation narratives’. Taking the case of insurgents from neighbouring India who, against their will, became embroiled in the war, this article seeks to contribute to ‘second-generation narratives’ that challenge the historiographical apportioning of blame and the national/ethnic framing of the conflict. The article uses hitherto-unpublished photographs from private collections to demonstrate how the war for the liberation of Mizoram (India) and that for the liberation of Bangladesh became entangled. Jointly they produced a ‘war within a war’ that unsettles common assumptions about both these struggles.
***1. Bangladesh-Liberation war 2. Bangladesh-Mizo rebels 3. Bangladesh-Liberation of Mizoram
6. Tockman, Jason
Decentralisation, socio-territoriality and the exercise of indigenous self-governance in Bolivia
Third World Quarterly,1, 2016: 153-171 ,37
This article analyses the ‘indigenous autonomy’ being constructed in two dozen Bolivian municipalities and territories, in accordance with the 2009 Constitution. It finds that Bolivia’s 1994 decentralisation reforms, which created the country’s system of municipalities, are central to understanding the contemporary implementation of indigenous autonomy. Some indigenous people view as favourable the representative and material gains achieved by municipalisation, which helps explain why more majority-indigenous communities have not yet chosen the new option of indigenous autonomy. However, the new legal framework also limits indigenous self-governance, because territorial delimitations of the country’s municipalities are generally inconsistent with indigenous peoples’ ancestral territories. The new institutions of self-governance are legally obligated to include discrete legislative, executive and administrative functions, reflecting not indigenous norms but a municipal structure of liberal design. This study illustrates the way that indigenous self-determination may encounter obstacles where indigenous territorial jurisdictions must coincide with contemporary boundaries of colonial origins, rather than with pre-colonial territories.
***1. Bolivia-Indigenous autonomy 2. Bolivia-Decentralisation reforms 3. Bolivia-Self-determination
7. Taylor, Matthew M
Brazil in the Crucible of Crisis
Current History,778, 2016: 68-74 ,115 , February
“Whichever way the impeachment train rolls, the … crisis has opened new fissures in a democratic system that has been in place only since 1985.”
***1. Brazil-Political crisis 2. Brazil-Democratic fissures 3. Brazil-Corruption
-GENETICALLY MODIFIED COTTON
8. Dowd-Uribe, Brian and Schnurr, Matthew A
Briefing: Burkina Faso's reversal on genetically modified cotton and the implications for Africa
African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,458, 2016: 161-172 ,115 , January
CAN GENETICALLY MODIFIED (GM) CROPS help smallholder farmers in sub-Saharan Africa? To date, only two GM crops – insect-resistant forms of cotton and maize – have made it into the hands of African farmers. Of these, GM cotton has the longest empirical track record, having been the first GM crop ever introduced in Africa, and the only one that has been grown in multiple countries – first South Africa, then Burkina Faso.1 The performance of this crop has received intense scrutiny, as it offers the best indication of how the suite of other GM crops slated for commercial approval may perform across the continent. This briefing reviews the experiences of South African farmers with GM cotton, which has emerged as the crucial precedent highlighting the value of GM crops for poor farmers. It then turns to the case of Burkina Faso, which became the showcase for how GM crops can benefit smallholder African farmers. However, as shown here, Burkina Faso has begun a complete phase-out of GM cotton, citing the inferior lint quality of the GM cultivars as the reason for abandoning its cultivation. Burkina Faso's phase-out could stall or even end negotiations to adopt GM cotton in other Francophone African countries with similar concerns over cotton quality. More generally, Burkina Faso's reversal could undermine public trust in GM crops across …
***1. Burkina Faso-Genetically modified cotton 2. South Africa-GM cotton 3. Burkina Faso-Bt cotton
-INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL ACCOUNTABILITY
9. Palmer, Emma
Localizing international criminal accountability in Cambodia
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific,1, 2016: 97-135 ,16 , January
Cambodia has ratified many international humanitarian and human rights law treaties, including the Rome Statute. International crimes are also included in national legislation and have been prosecuted before the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia. Based on that information alone, it may seem that Cambodia's leaders strongly support and have adopted international norms relating to prosecuting international crimes of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Yet the reality is more complex. This article considers how different understandings of the characteristics of international criminal accountability have influenced the establishment of these mechanisms for prosecuting international crimes in Cambodia. It argues that a linear account of these developments as deriving from externally driven norm diffusion is incomplete. Instead, Cambodia's experience suggests that local and international actors have adapted and localized the norms surrounding international criminal law to develop new laws and mechanisms to prosecute international crimes.
***1. Cambodia-International criminal accountability 2. International criminal law
10. Hoggarth, Davinia
The rise of Islamic finance: post-colonial market-building in central Asia and Russia
International Affairs(UK),1, 2016: 115–136 ,92 , January
Islamic finance signifies more than a projection of religious affiliation. The importance of Islamic finance is increasing in central Asia, both as a source of capital and as a form of post-colonial market-building. In central Asia, it is an important facet of the new phenomena of ‘nation-branding’ and a means of reinvigorating the economy. In identity politics, Islamic finance projects an attitude of religious tolerance allowing states in the region to reposition their geopolitical identity relative to the Islamic community. This creates a ‘performance’ of Islamic finance that facilitates the creation of legitimacy for the state. Adopting Islamic finance projects images of the state's religious tolerance and diversity without changing the underlying structures; it suggests an ‘Islamicness’ that is useful to the development and post-colonial goals of the state. As such, it creates opportunities for geopolitical alliances with Muslim countries. Economically, it appeals to rising financial-industrial elites seeking new investment-opportunities, which reduces pressure on the state to democratize. Meanwhile, in Russia, Islamic finance is an alternative source of capital for the sanctions-hit state and a useful identity marker with which to connect to the increasingly wary Caucuses and Commonwealth of Independent States countries, lending it a wider significance across Eurasia.
***1. Central Asia-Islamic finance 2. Russia-Islamic finance
-BORDERLAND ROAD NETWORKS
11. Joniak-Luthi, Agnieszka
Roads in China's Borderlands: Interfaces of spatial representations, perceptions, practices, and knowledges
Modern Asian Studies,1, 2016: 118-140 ,50 , January
Since the beginning of the twenty-first century, the tarmac road network in Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region in northwest China has been greatly expanded. The total length of roads increased from about 30,000 kilometres in 1999 to more than 146,000 kilometres in 2008. Though roads are considered by the state to be instruments of economic development, in multi-ethnic border regions like Xinjiang, the role of an efficient road network in the construction of the Chinese state's imaginary ‘bounded space’ is arguably just as crucial. With the help of Lefebvre's (1991) and Soja's (1999) conceptualization of space, this article explores the multiple spatial figurations of which roads are a part in Xinjiang. The article starts from ‘the mappable’ dimension of the expanding road network, and moves on to discuss perceptions and representations related to this expansion, before finally discussing how individuals creatively explore its fissures and hidden pockets.
***1. China-Borderland road networks 2. China-Border regions roads
12. Wei, Chi-hung
China–Taiwan relations and the 1992 consensus, 2000−2008
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific,1, 2016: 67-95 ,16 , January
After mid-2000, Beijing inclusively redefined ‘one China’ as ‘both the mainland and Taiwan belonged to one China’. It also advocated the ‘peaceful development’ of China–Taiwan relations. Why did China moderate its Taiwan policy? I argue that the ‘1992 consensus’—a term invented and promoted by pan-Kuomintang (KMT) actors to describe the spirit of cross-Strait détente during 1992–1995—constituted China's policy moderation. Pan-KMT actors persuaded Beijing that its coercive approaches had alienated the Taiwanese people and that a conciliatory approach might win their hearts and minds. Accepted by Beijing, the 1992 consensus constructed China's Taiwan policy after 2000. Although Beijing has somewhat deemphasized the 1992 consensus since 2012, the term has established a legacy of appropriateness that Beijing is unlikely to undo in the short-to-medium term. In comparison with the Taiwanese case, no Hong Kong actors have played a role in persuading Beijing to keep its ‘one country, two systems’ promise.
***1. China-Foreign relations-Taiwan 2. China-Hong Kong policy
13. King, Amy
Reconstructing China: Japanese technicians and industrialization in the early years of the People's Republic of China
Modern Asian Studies,1, 2016: 141-174 ,50 , January
The Chinese Communist Party was confronted with the pressing challenge of ‘reconstructing’ China's industrial economy when it came to power in 1949. Drawing on recently declassified Chinese Foreign Ministry archives, this article argues that the Party met this challenge by drawing on the expertise of Japanese technicians left behind in Northeast China at the end of the Second World War. Between 1949 and 1953, when they were eventually repatriated, thousands of Japanese technicians were used by the Chinese Communist Party to develop new technology and industrial techniques, train less skilled Chinese workers, and rebuild factories, mines, railways, and other industrial sites in the Northeast. These first four years of the People's Republic of China represent an important moment of both continuity and change in China's history. Like the Chinese Nationalist government before them, the Chinese Communist Party continued to draw on the technological and industrial legacy of the Japanese empire in Asia to rebuild China's war-torn economy. But this four-year period was also a moment of profound change. As the Cold War erupted in Asia, the Chinese Communist Party began a long-term reconceptualization of how national power was intimately connected to technology and industrial capability, and viewed Japanese technicians as a vital element in the transformation of China into a modern and powerful nation
***1. China-Industrial economy 2. China- Industrial development
-INTERVENTION IN LIBYAN WAR
14. Fung, Courtney J
Global South solidarity? China, regional organisations and intervention in the Libyan and Syrian civil wars
Third World Quarterly,1, 2016: 33-50 ,37
Why was China responsive to regional organisations’ call for intervention in the case of the Libya crisis, where it supported sanctions and an International Criminal Court referral, and acquiesced to a no-fly zone, but unresponsive to pressure from regional organisations for intervention in the Syria crisis, issuing repeated vetoes instead? Using interviews and other primary data, this article explains the variation by highlighting that China is most responsive to regional organisations when these groups remain cohesive, congregate around the same policy position and when they publicly criticise or isolate China.
***1. China-Intervention in Libyan war 2. China-Intervention in Syrian war 3. Libyia-Civil wars 4. Syria-Civil wars
15. Biba, Sebastian
The goals and reality of the water–food–energy security nexus: the case of China and its southern neighbours
Third World Quarterly,1, 2016: 51-70 ,37
The so-called ‘nexus’ approach has recently been promoted as addressing externalities across the water, food and energy sectors, thus helping to achieve ‘water/energy/food security for all’, ‘equitable and sustainable growth’ and a ‘resilient and productive environment’. While these are noble goals, this article argues that the reality on the ground appears to be taking a different direction, at least when it comes to China and its neighbours in South and Southeast Asia. There, a new era of large-scale water infrastructure development is creating several security-related problems, which represent serious challenges to the nexus goals. These challenges include food–energy tensions, human security threats and ecological risks. These challenges can also be linked to rising friction surrounding the management of water, food and energy resources in the region. The article argues that, in order for the nexus goals to be achieved in China and the countries on its southern periphery, there must first be increased awareness of this nexus among policy-making elites.
***1. China-Water-food-energy security 2. South Asia-Water-food-energy security
16. Theidon, Kimberly
Peace in Colombia: A Time to Believe?
Current History,778, 2016: 51-55 ,115 , February
“Redistributive justice will be key to generating the recognition, civic trust, and social solidarity that form the foundation of a meaningful democracy …”
***1. Colombia-Peace process 2. Colombia-Peace agreement
17. Cude, Michael R
Wilsonian National Self-determination and the Slovak Question during the Founding of Czechoslovakia, 1918-1921
Diplomatic History,1, 2016: 155-180 ,40 , January
This article examines how United States officials observed the Slovak Question during the Czechoslovak Republic’s foundation from 1918 to 1921, to determine what the Slovak case exposes about the Wilsonian administration’s view and application of national self-determination after World War I. This article shows how conceptions of modernity were central to Wilsonian national self-determination, as the Wilson administration placed divergent views on the Czechs and Slovaks based on images of civic, economic, and cultural development, despite qualifying the two peoples as a common nationality. In doing so, the Wilson administration prioritized Czech views of a centralized state administered from Prague, over the appeals of many Slovaks who desired domestic autonomy for Slovakia within the state. This Wilsonian prioritization of civic development and modernity over national identity thus abetted a volatile national-political environment in the reorganized East Central Europe by dismissing the views of many national minorities in the region, such as the Slovaks, in their desires for national self-determination.
***1. Czechoslovakia-National minorities 2. Czechoslovakia-Nationalism 3. Czechoslovakia-Self-determination
18. Corbett, Jack
Democratic Gaps, Traps and Tricks. Comment on: Flinders, M. (2015) The Problem with Democracy
Parliamentary Affairs,1, 2016: 204-206 ,69 , January
Few scholars have done more over recent years to engage with and raise public awareness about the issue of ‘anti-politics’ or ‘democratic disaffection’ than Matthew Flinders. In the spirit of this ongoing conversation, it is a pleasure to respond to this latest iteration of his thinking that both deepens and extends his previous work, and Defending Politics (2012) in particular. His latest article advances the debate in a number of ways not the least of which is the use of the concepts ‘noise’, ‘listening’ and ‘silence’ to describe the way publics engage with modern democracy; the noise is deafening but nobody is listening and even when they do there is silence about the negative impact wrought by certain changes, especially technological, to the way we do democracy. It is a provocative assertion that that bears many of the hallmarks of his earlier work (for my take on where his work fits in this literature see Corbett, 2014, 2015). Flinders is interested in the growing ‘gap’ between citizen expectations and practical realities, and the ways it is being driven from the ‘demand’ side; that is by citizens. He does not employ his phrase ‘democratic decadence’ here but it reverberates …
***1. Democracy 2. Democratic Gaps
19. Flinders, Matthew
The Problem with Democracy
Parliamentary Affairs,1, 2016: 181-203 ,69 , January
There can be little doubt that of all the great ‘enduring ideas’ there can be few so central to modern life around the world as ‘democracy’. Indeed, an ongoing academic monitoring project has so far catalogued over 500 variants, forms or sub-species of this model of social organisation. It is therefore both a concept with adjectives and also a concept with something of an image problem and this is reflecting in a vast literature that revolves around the perceived growth of ‘disaffected democrats’. So what is the problem with democracy? This article responds by identifying not one but seven ‘problems’ with democracy which, when woven together, reveal a withering away of our capacity to re-imagine a different way of living; to re-connect with those around us; to re-interpret challenges as opportunities or to re-define how we understand and make democracy work.
20. Carvalho, Joao Miguel Duarte de
The Effectiveness of French Immigration Policy Under President Nicolas Sarkozy
Parliamentary Affairs,1, 2016: 53-72 ,69 , January
This article presents an analysis of the effectiveness of French immigration policy during President Nicolas Sarkozy's single term (2007–2012). Following a recent proposal, this article will explore the level of congruence between French legislator's objectives on immigration policy and the remaining stages of the policy process. Notwithstanding President Sarkozy's ambitious agenda, a persistent gap between restrictive objectives and the subsequent liberal outcomes from policy implementation has been detected by immigration studies. The analysis will suggest that French immigration policy attained a variable level of policy effectiveness throughout President Sarkozy's term. This investigation emphasises that policy inputs can be driven by political considerations involving the mobilisation of sections of the electorate in spite of the diminished feasibility of the proposals. Furthermore, the strong effects exercised by endogenous and exogenous political factors over President Sarkozy's plans will be highlighted in this article, in particular the agency of ‘domestic veto players’.
***1. France-Immigration Policy 2. France-Partisan veto players
21. Forsberg , Tuomas
From Ostpolitik to ‘frostpolitik’? Merkel, Putin and German foreign policy towards Russia
International Affairs(UK),1, 2016: 21–42 ,92 , January
Germany's relationship with Russia has historically been one of the most crucial in shaping Europe's fate. Despite radical transformation in the nature of European Great Power politics, it continues to be pertinent from the perspective of today's world. Germany's willingness to establish good relations with the Soviet Union in the late 1960s—its emphasis on economic relations and cooperation instead of political disagreements—prepared the ground for the end of the Cold War and German unification twenty years later. Germany's basic policy towards Russia remained broadly unchanged despite German unification and changes in the domestic political coalitions and leadership, sometimes against political expectations. In the European context, Germany's attitude towards Russia created the backbone of EU–Russia relations. During 2012–13, however, the continuity in Germany's policy towards Russia was seen as having come to an end. Political twists came to the fore and the atmosphere was loaded with tensions, made worse by the Ukrainian crisis. This article reviews the recent, alleged changes in Germany's policy towards Russia during the Merkel era. It asks two basic questions: first, whether Germany's policy really has changed and if it has, what are the theoretical tools that give us the best potential understanding of these changes? The article argues that the policy has changed, but not as dramatically as made out by some headlines. Moreover, the article suggests that a key element in analysing the degree of change in Germany's policy towards Russia is neither the external power relations nor domestic politics and related changes in the prevailing interpretation of national interest, though these are important too, but the interaction between the leaders and foreign policy elites.
***1. Germany-Foreign policy-Russia 2. Ukrainian crisis 3. Germany-Eastern policy
22. Abdulai, Abdul-Gafaru and Hickey, Sam
The politics of development under competitive clientelism: Insights from Ghana's education sector
African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,458, 2016: 44-72 ,115 , January
Debates over whether democracy or political clientelism would drive the politics of development in Africa have increasingly given way to more nuanced readings that seek to capture the dynamic interplay of these forms of politics. However, most current analyses struggle to identify the specific causal mechanisms through which politics shapes the actual distribution of resources. A political settlements approach, which emphasizes the distribution of ‘holding power’ – the ability to engage and survive in political struggles – within ruling coalitions, and how this shapes institutional functioning, can bring greater clarity to these debates. Our analysis shows that patterns of resource allocation within Ghana's education sector during 1993–2008 were closely shaped by the incentives generated by Ghana's competitive clientelistic political settlement, which overrode rhetorical concerns with national unity and inclusive development. This had particularly negative implications for the poorest northern regions, which have lacked holding power within successive ruling coalitions.
***1. Ghana-Political settlement 2. Ghana-Education sector
23. Bawa, Sylvia
Paradoxes of (dis)empowerment in the postcolony: women, culture and social capital in Ghana
Third World Quarterly,1, 2016: 119-135 ,37
Women’s empowerment discourses in Africa involve contradictory desires from women on one hand and society at large on the other. This article argues that the traditional validation mechanisms for women’s identities are crucial avenues for analysing both the conceptions and experiences of empowerment. Drawing on primary ethnographic data, I analyse paradoxes in women’s empowerment discourses in postcolonial Ghanaian societies, where neoliberal discourses thrive side-by-side with collectivist–socialist cultural ideals. Using an example of social capital, gained largely through mothering, I suggest that, because women’s relationships with capital are structured by local socio-cultural and global economic structures and relations, the theorisation and application of the concept of empowerment need to recognise the complicated relationships (with capital) that women negotiate on a daily basis.
***1. Ghana-Women empowerment 2. Ghana-Social capital 3. Ghana-Culture
24. Beltran, Adriana
A New Era of Accountability in Guatemala?
Current History,778, 2016: 63 ,115 , February
“Politicians are now facing a more active citizenry that knows it can demand greater accountability from its government and mobilize in pursuit of its demands.”
***1. Guatemala-Corruption 2. Guatemala-La Línea
25. Sandvik, Kristin Bergtora
The humanitarian cyberspace: shrinking space or an expanding frontier?
Third World Quarterly,1, 2016: 17-32 ,37
In an effort to contribute to a more critical understanding of the role of information and communication technology (ICT) in humanitarian action, this article explores the topography of the ‘humanitarian cyberspace’ – a composite of ‘cyberspace’ and ‘humanitarian space’ – as it has emerged since the mid-1990s. The goals are to offer some observations about the conditions of the humanitarian cyberspace and to reflect on the relationship between the persistent features of humanitarian action and new developments brought on by ICT. The prism through which the role of ICT in humanitarian action is explored is that of the ‘shrinking humanitarian space’.
***1. Humanitarian cyberspace 2. Humanitarianism
-ECONOMIC HISTORY, 1600–1800
26. Chatterjee, Indrani
Women, Monastic Commerce, and Coverture in Eastern India circa 1600–1800 CE
Modern Asian Studies,1, 2016: 175-216 ,50 , January
This article argues that economic histories of the transition to colonial economics in the eighteenth century have overlooked the infrastructural investments that wives and widows made in networks of monastic commerce. Illustrative examples from late eighteenth-century records suggest that these networks competed with the commercial networks operated by private traders serving the English East India Company at the end of the eighteenth century. The latter prevailed. The results were the establishment of coverture and wardship laws interpellated from British common law courts into Company revenue policies, the demolition of buildings. and the relocation of the markets that were attached to many of the buildings women had sponsored. Together, these historical processes made women's commercial presence invisible to future scholars.
***1. India-Economic History, 1600–1800 2. India-Monastic commerce
27. Chaudhry, Faisal
A Rule of Proprietary Right for British India: From revenue settlement to tenant right in the age of classical legal thought
Modern Asian Studies,1, 2016: 345-384 ,50 , January
Scholars have long debated the impact of the British ‘rule of property’ on India. In our own day it has become common for historians to hold that the Raj's would-be regime of free capitalist property was frustrated by a pervasive divide between rhetoric and reality which derived from a fundamental lack of fit between English ideas and Indian land control practices. While seemingly novel, the contemporary emphasis on the theory-practice divide is rooted in an earlier ‘revisionist’ perspective among late-nineteenth-century colonial thinkers who argued that land control in the subcontinent derived from a uniquely Indian species of ‘proprietary’ (rather than genuinely propertied) right-holding. In this article, I critically examine the revisionist discourse of ‘proprietary right’ by situating it in a broader comparative perspective, both relative to earlier ideas about rendering property ‘absolute’ during the East India Company's rule and relative to the changing conception of the property right among legal thinkers in the central domains of the Anglo-common law world. In so doing, the article significantly revises our understanding of the relationship between property, law, and political economy in the subcontinent from the late eighteenth to the late nineteenth century.
***1. India-History 2. India (British India)-Rule of property 3. India (British India)-Proprietary right
28. Fuller, C J
Anthropologists and Viceroys: Colonial knowledge and policy making in India, 1871–1911
Modern Asian Studies,1, 2016: 217-258 ,50 , January
The anthropology of caste was a pivotal part of colonial knowledge in British India in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Denzil Ibbetson and Herbert Risley, then the two leading official anthropologists, both made major contributions to the study of caste, which this article discusses. Ibbetson and Risley assumed high office in the imperial government in 1902 and played important roles in policy making during the partition of Bengal (1903–5) and the Morley-Minto legislative councils reforms (1906–9); Ibbetson was also influential in deciding Punjab land policy in the 1890s. Contemporary policy documents, which this article examines, show that the two men's anthropological knowledge had limited influence on their deliberations. Moreover, caste was irrelevant to their thinking about agrarian policy, the promotion of Muslim interests, and the urban, educated middle class, whose growing nationalism was challenging British rule. No ethnographic information was collected about this class, because the scope of anthropology was restricted to ‘traditional’ rural society. At the turn of the twentieth century, colonial anthropological knowledge, especially about caste, had little value for the imperial government confronting Indian nationalism, and was less critical in constituting the Indian colonial state than it previously had been.
***1. India-History, 1871-1911 2. India-Policy making (British Period)
29. Misra, Maria
The Indian Machiavelli: Pragmatism versus morality, and the reception of the Arthasastra in India, 1905–2014
Modern Asian Studies,1, 2016: 310-344 ,50 , January
This article explores the ways in which the Arthasastra (The Science of Wealth or The Science of Power), an ancient text rediscovered in 1905, was interpreted by Indian politicians and commentators. It seeks to explain why the text's popularity changed so drastically over time, and why, despite the excitement about it in the first 20 years following its reappearance, it was largely ignored in the Gandhian and Nehruvian eras, until a striking revival of interest from the late 1980s onwards. It argues that these changes in the text's fortunes can be explained partly as a result of significant shifts in elite Indian political culture. It also suggests that we need to reassess our analysis of the fundamental fault-lines in Indian politics, questioning Chatterjee's and Nandy's argument on the centrality of tensions between Gandhian ‘indigenous’ thought and Nehruvian ‘Western’ modernity, and arguing for the importance of the conflict between a moral politics, endorsed by both Gandhi and Nehru, and a ‘pragmatic’ politics justified by the Arthasastra.
***1. India-History, 1905-2014 2. India-Indian political culture 3. India-Neoliberalism
30. Shankar, Mahesh and Paul, T V
Nuclear doctrines and stable strategic relationships: the case of south Asia
International Affairs(UK),1, 2016: 1-20 ,92 , January
This article offers a discussion of nuclear doctrines and their significance for war, peace and stability between nuclear-armed states. The cases of India and Pakistan are analysed to show the challenges these states have faced in articulating and implementing a proper nuclear doctrine, and the implications of this for nuclear stability in the region. We argue that both the Indian and Pakistani doctrines and postures are problematic from a regional security perspective because they are either ambiguous about how to address crucial deterrence related issues, and/or demonstrate a severe mismatch between the security problems and goals they are designed to deal with, and the doctrines that conceptualize and operationalize the role of nuclear weapons in grand strategy. Consequently, as both India's and Pakistan's nuclear doctrines and postures evolve, the risks of a spiralling nuclear arms race in the subcontinent are likely to increase without a reassessment of doctrinal issues in New Delhi and Islamabad. A case is made for more clarity and less ambition from both sides in reconceptualizing their nuclear doctrines. We conclude, however, that owing to the contrasting barriers to doctrinal reorientation in each country, the likelihood of such changes being made—and the ease with which they can be made—is greater in India than in Pakistan.
***1. India-Strategic relations-Pakistan 2. India-Foreign relations-Pakistan
-WAR AGAINST MILITIAS
31. Christensen, Maya Mynster
The underbelly of global security: Sierra Leonean ex-militias in Iraq
African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,458, 2016: 23-43 ,115 , January
In the aftermath of the Sierra Leone civil war, demobilized militia soldiers have become an attractive resource to private security companies. Based on extensive ethnographic fieldwork, this article traces the outsourcing of security at American military bases in Iraq to Sierra Leonean ex-militias, facilitated by a British security company and the Sierra Leone government. In doing so, the article contributes to the ongoing scholarly debate on the privatization of security by offering a “local” ethnographically informed perspective on the micro-dynamics of “global” security. It is argued that the supply of global security depends on a form of local immobility: on a population that is “stuck”, yet constantly on the move to seize opportunities for survival and recognition. Structured by a chronological account of the recruitment, deployment, and deportation of Sierra Leonean ex-militias, the article discusses how these former militia soldiers experience being reduced to mere bodies rather than recognized labourers. It concludes that notions of race and slavery are employed by the ex-militias to make sense of their predicaments, but most notably as a moral response to the unequal relationships in which they find themselves embedded, in the context of security outsourcing in a global economy.
***1. Iraq-War against militias 2. Iraq-Sierra Leonean ex-militias 3. Global security
32. Braniff, Maire and Whiting, Sophie A
‘There's Just No Point Having a Token Woman’: Gender and Representation in the Democratic Unionist Party in Post-Agreement Northern Ireland
Parliamentary Affairs,1, 2016: 93-114 ,69 , January
Politics in Northern Ireland suffers from a dearth of female representation, a problem that has traditionally been more acute within unionist parties than their nationalist counterparts (Galligan and Wilford, 1999, ‘Women and Politics’. In Mitchell, P. and Wilford, R. (eds) Politics in Northern Ireland, Oxford, Oxford University Press). This is despite the aim of the 1998 Good Friday Agreement to establish equality provisions for women. This article draws upon substantive and unique access to data gathered from an extensive membership study of Northern Ireland's largest party, the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) (Tonge, J., Braniff, M., Hennessey, T., McAuley, J., and Whiting, S. (2014) The Democratic Unionist Party: From Protest to Power, Oxford, Oxford University Press) to explore how attitudes towards female representation impact upon inequalities in gender representation in Northern Ireland. Exploring how women have fared in the ‘new’ Northern Ireland since 1998, this article examines the position of women within party politics and utilises interview and survey material on the DUP. The article identifies a more progressive cohort within the party membership that wants to see more gender equality. Yet, the legacy of the peace process has meant positive discrimination remains anathema to the vast majority within Northern Ireland's largest political party.
***1. Ireland-Politics 2. Northern Ireland-Democratic Unionist Party
33. Jo, Bee Yun
Japan Inc.'s remilitarization? A firm-centric analysis on Mitsubishi Heavy Industries and Japan's defense industry in the new-TPAE regime
International Relations of the Asia-Pacific,1, 2016: 137-166 ,16 , January
The purpose of this article is to explore the perspective that the Abe Cabinet's replacement of the 1967 Three Principles of Arms Exports (TPAE) in 2014 will stimulate a change in bringing about the Japan Inc.'s revitalization in the defense sector, at the expense of Japan's postwar pacifist regime. Based on a rationalist firm-centric analysis on Japan's defense industry, this article finds that the firms are rational actors for profit maximization, remaining resilient for such a change, calculating the pros and cons of the new TPAE regime. To establish the argument, the article examines the Mitsubishi Heavy Industries (MHI), Kawasaki Heavy Industries (KHI), ShinMaywa, and IHI, in the years of 2010–14. This article also covers the recent F-35, Soryu-class submarines, and US-2 amphibian aircrafts deals, which many point out as the main sources for Japan Inc.'s reinvigoration in the arms building.
***1. Japan-Arms Control 2. Japan-Defense industry 3. Japan-Arms exports
34. McClendon, Gwyneth H and Riedl, Rachel Beatty
Individualism and empowerment in pentecostal sermons: New evidence from Nairobi, Kenya
African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,458, 2016: 119-144 ,115 , January
Pentecostal and Charismatic churches are growing rapidly in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa and the developing world. This article presents new evidence on the theologies and activities of these popular churches, based on sermon texts and interview data gathered from a random sample of churches in Nairobi, Kenya. It finds that Pentecostal churches in Nairobi are remarkably consistent in the messages they disseminate, despite great variation in church and membership characteristics across congregations. The dominant theme in sermons was a focus on cultivating believers' sense of their own potential and autonomy as individuals. Other topics commonly associated with Pentecostal churches such as getting rich quickly and social conservatism were not as central. The focus on individual autonomy also stands in stark contrast to more collectivist agendas of social change. Indeed, the individualist theme was accompanied by a relative lack of social service provision, reflecting an approach to economic development that focuses on individual mental transformation rather than material handouts or systemic reform. In contrast to literature on civil society and ethnicity, which sees religious groups as potential collective agents or as cohesive interest groups, this article suggests that Pentecostal and Charismatic churches are leading their members to prioritize the individual.
***1. Kenya-Religion 2. Kenya-Charismatic churches 3. Kenya-Social change
35. Oxhorn, Philip
Latin America’s Elusive Public Sphere
Current History,778, 2016: 43-50 ,115 , February
New ideas and new actors are needed to fill the void in the region’s public sphere more than ever.” Fourth in a series on public spheres around the world.
***1. Latin America-Democracy 2. Latin America-Public sphere 3. Brazil-Ephemeral vibrancy
-LAND RECLAMATION MOVEMENTS
36. Chinigo, Davide
Re-peasantization and land reclamation movements in Malawi
African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,458, 2016: 97-118 ,115 , January
This article explores the emergence of land reclamation movements in contemporary southern Malawi through the case of the People's Land Organization in Thyolo. It shows that land reclamation movements are the result of a historical politics of land reform that has reproduced a dual agrarian system and shaped inequalities in land and labour since the colonial period. The article speaks to the debate about contemporary rural movements and employs the concepts of de-peasantization and re-peasantization to describe the tendencies toward the dissolution and reconstitution of the peasantry in the contemporary neo-liberal context. It concludes that the legacies of colonialism and the selective but incomplete integration of worker-peasants into the plantation economy have tended to reproduce the material and symbolic conditions necessary for people to reconstitute themselves as peasants. In this context, land has come to symbolize autonomy and to embody the struggle for socio-economic and political enfranchisement.
***1. Malawi-Land reclamation movements 2. Malawi-Land reform
37. Magaloni, Beatriz and Razu, Zaira
Mexico in the Grip of Violence
Current History,778, 2016: 57-62 ,115 , February
Criminal groups are above the law because they have managed to capture and corrupt the state.
***1. Mexico-Violence 2. Mexico-Corruption
38. Aydemir, Nermin and Vliegenthart, Rens
‘Minority Representatives’ in the Netherlands: Supporting, Silencing or Suppressing?
Parliamentary Affairs,1, 2016: 73-92 ,69 , January
This article focuses on how often and in what ways ‘minority representatives’ address cultural and/or religious rights and freedoms by analysing parliamentary questions between 2002 and 2012. The research first analysed to what extent, if any, Member of Parliaments of minority origin highlight minority-related issues in their parliamentary questions. Thereafter, it analysed the content of those questions in more detail. Unlike much previous research, we did not take a favourable content for granted. The idea of ‘suppressive representation’ was introduced to describe those cases in which ‘minority representatives’ were restrictive towards cultural and/or religious freedoms of ‘immigrant minorities’. Representation patterns show differences across group- and individual-level identities.
***1. Netherlands-Minority 2. Netherlands-Immigrant minorities
39. Reid, Ben
The geopolitical economy of social policy in the Philippines: securitisation, emerging powers and multilateral policies
Third World Quarterly,1, 2016: 96-118 ,37
Recent geopolitical and economic changes have altered global social policy formation. The Bretton Woods multilateral development agencies (MDAs) have selectively incorporated ideas emerging from developing country states and decision makers, with a recent increased acceptance of social transfers as part of renewed efforts at poverty alleviation based on social risk management. There has been an instance in the use and promotion of conditional cash transfer (CCT) policies by MDAs. CCTs were a product of the emergence of a neo-structuralist welfare regime (understood as an ideal type) in Latin America – an attempt to reconcile neoliberal strategies of development with aspirations for guaranteed minimum incomes. The Bretton Woods and regional development bank MDAs have facilitated the adoption of CCTs in other developing countries, including the Phillipines. Here, a combination of actions by national political actors and MDAs has resulted in the implementation of a securitised and compliance-focused version of CCTs derived from the Colombian security state. Although poor Philippine households welcome income assistance, CCTs have acted to enforce further state monitoring without altering the national-based political and economic processes that replicate poverty.
***1. Philippines-Social policy 2. Latin America-Geopolitical economy
40. Lanoszka, Alexander
Russian hybrid warfare and extended deterrence in eastern Europe
International Affairs(UK),1, 2016: 175–195 ,92 , January
Russia's use of force against Ukraine since early 2014 has prompted some observers to remark that it is engaging in ‘hybrid warfare’. This form of military statecraft has made other former Soviet republics, such as the Baltic countries, fear that Russia would use subversion rather than pursue a conventional military engagement against them. Despite this concern about Russian hybrid war, existing descriptions of this form of war suffer from conceptual weaknesses. In this article hybrid warfare is conceived as a strategy that marries conventional deterrence and insurgency tactics. That is, the belligerent uses insurgent tactics against its target while using its conventional military power to deter a strong military response. The article then outlines why some former Soviet republics are susceptible to Russian hybrid warfare, allowing it to postulate inductively the conditions under which hybrid warfare might be used in general. The analysis yields two policy implications. First, military solutions are not wholly appropriate against hybrid warfare since it exploits latent ethnic grievances and weak civil societies. Second, only under narrow circumstances would belligerents resort to hybrid warfare. Belligerents need to be revisionist and militarily stronger than their targets, but they also need to have ethnic or linguistic ties with the target society to leverage in waging hybrid warfare.
***1. Russia-Hybrid warfare 2. Ukraine crisis
41. Buscher, Bram and Ramutsindela, Maano
Green violence: Rhino poaching and the war to save Southern Africa's peace parks
African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,458, 2016: 1-22 ,115 , January
Over a thousand rhinos were killed in 2013 and 2014 as the poaching crisis in Southern Africa reached massive proportions, with major consequences for conservation and other political dynamics in the region. The article documents these dynamics in the context of the ongoing development and establishment of “peace parks”: large conservation areas that cross international state boundaries. The rhino-poaching crisis has affected peace parks in the region, especially the flagship Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park between South Africa, Mozambique and Zimbabwe. In order to save both peace parks and rhinos, key actors such as the South African government, the Peace Parks Foundation, and the general public responded to the poaching crisis with increasingly desperate measures, including the deployment of a variety of violent tactics and instruments. The article critically examines these methods of ‘green violence’ and places them within the broader historical and contemporary contexts of violence in the region and in the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park. It concludes that attempting to save peace parks through ‘green violence’ represents a contradiction, but that this contradiction is no longer recognized as such, given the historical positioning of peace parks in the region and popular discourses of placing poachers in a ‘space of exception’.
***1. South Africa-Green violence 2. South Africa-Conservation and violence 3. South Africa-Rhino-poaching crisis
-EMERGENCY FOOD AID
42. Martínez, Jose Ciro and Eng, Brent
The unintended consequences of emergency food aid: neutrality, sovereignty and politics in the Syrian civil war, 2012–15
International Affairs(UK),1, 2016: 153–173 ,92 , January
This article dissects the role of emergency food aid during the current Syrian conflict. Drawing on Séverine Autesserre's concept of frames and Giorgio Agamben's theory of sovereignty, we argue that the neutrality frame, which undergirds the majority of humanitarian relief efforts in Syria, obfuscates the impact of emergency food aid, both on sovereign power relations and local political dynamics. While neutrality appears benign, it has had a tangible impact on the Syrian civil war. Through close scrutiny of various case-studies, the article traces how humanitarian efforts reinforce the bases of sovereign politics while contributing to a host of what Mariella Pandolfi (1998) terms ‘mobile sovereignties’. In the process, humanitarian organizations reaffirm sovereign power while also engaging in similar activities. We then analyse how and why ostensibly neutral emergency food aid has unintentionally assisted the Assad regime by facilitating its control over food, which it uses to buttress support and foster compliance. By bringing external resources into life-or-death situations characterized by scarcity, aid agencies have become implicated in the conflict's inner workings. The article concludes by examining the political and military impact of emergency food assistance during the Syrian conflict, before discussing possible implications for the humanitarian enterprise more broadly.
***1. Syria-Emergency food aid 2. Syria-Politics of food
43. Sonia Languille
The scramble for textbooks in Tanzania
African Affairs : The Journal of the Royal African Society,458, 2016: 73-96 ,115 , January
In 2014, the Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) government in Tanzania decided to discontinue the market-based system for textbook provision that was established in the early 1990s and revert to full state control. Drawing on the theory of political settlements and the literature on Tanzania's industrial politics, the article examines the political economy of textbook provision in this country in order to generate new insights into the relations between the educational, political, and economic spheres. It shows how donor ideology and practices, while subjecting textbooks to generic market principles, also promoted the interests of Western publishing corporations. It then argues that the distribution of power within the state, and the ambiguous relations between the CCM ruling elites, bureaucrats, and the capitalist class, prevented the consolidation of a textbook industrial policy geared towards supporting the local publishing industry. Finally, the article explores elites' diverse corrupt practices to capture public funding for textbooks at the national and local levels. Under Tanzania's country-specific political settlement, the textbook sector, far from primarily serving educational goals, has indeed been reduced to a vast site of primitive accumulation.
***1. Tanzania-Industrial politics 2. Tanzania-Political economy 3. Tanzania-Textbook industry
-FOREIGN RELATIONS -RUSSIA
44. Onis, Ziya and Yılmaz, Suhnaz
Turkey and Russia in a shifting global order: cooperation, conflict and asymmetric interdependence in a turbulent region
Third World Quarterly,1, 2016: 71-95 ,37
The current global political economy is characterised by the intensifying economic interaction of BRICS and ‘near BRICS’ economies, with emerging powers increasing their influence in neighbouring regions. The growing partnership between Turkey and Russia constitutes a useful case study for examining this transformation, in which Western supremacy and US hegemony are under increasing challenge. Turkish–Russian relations shed light on broader themes in global political economy. First, significant economic interdependence may be generated among states with different political outlooks, in the form of loose regional integration schemes driven by bilateral relations between key states and supporting private actors or interests. Second, growing economic interdependence may coexist with continued political conflict and geopolitical rivalry, as indicated by the Syrian and Ukrainian crises. An important strategy that emerges is the tendency to compartmentalise economic issues and geopolitical rivalries in order to avoid negative spill-over effects. This facilitates the coexistence of extensive competition with deepening cooperation, as reflected in relations in the field of energy.
***1. Turkey–Foreign relations-Russia 2. Turkey–Energy politics-Russia 3. BRICS
-CYBER SECURITY PARTNERSHIP-USA
45. Carr, Madeline
Public–private partnerships in national cyber-security strategies
International Affairs(UK),1, 2016: 43–62 ,92 , January
Despite its centrality in the national cyber security strategies of the US and the UK, the public–private partnership is a nebulous arrangement, which is especially problematic in the context of critical infrastructure protection. Privately owned and operated critical infrastructure that is regarded as a potential national security vulnerability raises questions about the allocation of responsibility and accountability in terms of cyber security. As with many aspects of cyber security, this issue is often discussed with little reference to previous scholarship that could provide conceptual scaffolding. This article draws on the extensive literature on public–private partnerships in order to assess the tensions and challenges of this arrangement in national cyber-security strategies. It finds that there is a serious disjuncture in expectations from both ‘partners’. The government regards privately owned and operated critical infrastructure as a key element of national security but is reluctant to claim a mandate to oversee network security. At the same time, the private sector is not inclined to accept responsibility or liability for national cyber security. This challenge for governments to manage national cyber security raises questions about how well equipped these states are to promote their own security in the information age. Acknowledging the flaws in the ‘partnership’ is an essential step towards addressing them.
***1. UK-Cyber security partnership-USA 2. UK-Cyber security policy 3. USA-Cyber security policy
46. Martin, Nicole S
Do Ethnic Minority Candidates Mobilise Ethnic Minority Voters? Evidence from the 2010 UK General Election
Parliamentary Affairs,1, 2016: 159-180 ,69 , January
This article investigates whether ethnic minority individuals are more likely to vote when they can vote for a candidate who shares their ethnic background. It uses individual-level data from the 2010 Ethnic Minority British Election Study and finds that Pakistani individuals were more likely to vote when they had the opportunity to vote for a Pakistani candidate from the Labour party, and that this effect is due to people in their social network attempting to convince them how to vote. The same is true of Muslim voters and Muslim candidates. I interpret these results as evidence that biraderi is being used to mobilise these voters along ethnic lines. Muslim candidates from the Labour party are associated with lower turnout among Sikhs. However, there were no candidate mobilisation effects among Indians, black Caribbeans or black Africans, or for Conservative or Liberal Democrat candidates.
***1. UK-Politics 2. UK-General elections 2010 3. UK-Ethnic minority candidates
47. Fruhling, Stephan
Managing escalation: missile defence, strategy and US alliances
International Affairs(UK),1, 2016: 81–95 ,92 , January
Missile defence plays an increasing role in NATO and in most US alliances in Asia, which raises the question of what impact it has on the management of extended deterrence. Extended deterrence relies on the threat of escalation. Since the costs of escalation are different for different allies, the management of extended deterrence is inherently difficult. Missile defence shifts the relative costs of conflict, and therefore also impacts on the alliance bargains that underpin agreement on extended deterrence strategy. Although increased defensive capacity is a clear net benefit, the strategic effects of its deployment and use can still be complex if, for example, missile defence increases the chances of localizing a conflict. The article discusses the role of missile defences for the US homeland, and of the territory and population of US allies, for extended deterrence credibility and the reassurance of US allies in Asia and in NATO. It argues that there is increased scope in strengthening deterrence by enmeshing the defence of the US homeland with that of its allies, and that allies need to pay closer attention to the way the deployment and use of missile defence influence pressures for escalation. In general, missile defence thus reinforces the need for the United States and its allies in Europe and Asia to negotiate an overall alliance strategy.
***1. USA-Defence policy-Asia 2. USA-Missile defence strategy-Asia
-FOREIGN POLICY-ISLAMIC STATE
48. Siniver, Asaf and Lucas, Scott
The Islamic State lexical battleground: US foreign policy and the abstraction of threat
International Affairs(UK),1, 2016: 63–79 ,92 , January
This article suggests that President Obama's consistent references to the extremist Sunni group as ‘ISIL’ (Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant) is not a trivial matter of nomenclature. Instead, the Obama administration's deliberate usage of the ISIL acronym (as opposed to other commonly-used terms such as ‘Islamic State of Iraq and Syria’ or ‘ISIS’, ‘Islamic State’, ‘IS’, ‘so-called Islamic State’ and ‘Daesh’) frames the public perception of the threat to avoid engagement with the requirements of strategy and operations. Both the labelling and the approach could be defended as a response to the unique challenge of a transnational group claiming religious and political legitimacy. However, we suggest that the labelling is an evasion of the necessary response, reflecting instead a lack of coherence in strategy and operations—in particular after the Islamic State's lightning offensive in Iraq and expansion in Syria in mid-2014. This tension between rhetoric, strategy and operations means that ‘ISIL’ does not provide a stable depiction of the Islamic State. While it may draw upon the post-9/11 depiction of ‘terrorism’, the tag leads to dissonance between official and media representations. The administration's depiction of a considered approach leading to victory has been undermined by the abstraction of ‘ISIL’, which in turn produced strategic ambiguity about the prospect of any political, economic or military challenge to the Islamic State.
***1. USA-Foreign policy-Islamic state 2. USA-War against terrorism 3. USA-War against Islamic state
-FOREIGN POLICY-MIDDLE EAST
49. Krieg, Andreas
Externalizing the burden of war: the Obama Doctrine and US foreign policy in the Middle East
International Affairs(UK),1, 2016: 97–113 ,92 , January
In the aftermath of the Arab Spring the Middle East has plunged into a state of instability. The United States has responded to these rising insecurities in a region of strategic importance with hesitation or half-hearted commitments. The Obama administration, plagued by the increasingly difficult decision of defining America's role in an apolar world while managing the political and economic legacy of the Bush administration, has relied on a policy of delegation. Obama neither refrained from military options nor showed any willingness to commit American ground troops to one of the strategically and operationally most complex environments of the world. Instead, Obama's preferred way of war is one relying on surrogates—both human and technological—that allow the United States to externalize, partially or wholly, the strategic, operational and tactical burden of warfare. Unlike any other previous US administration surrogate warfare has become the principal means of protecting US interests in the Middle East that are perceived to be all but vital. The need for deniability and legitimacy, cost–benefit considerations as well as the lack of capability have made warfare by surrogate a preferred option in the Middle East. The consequences for US policy in the region are profound, as the lack of control and oversight have empowered surrogates whose long-term interests are not compatible with those of the United States. More severely, the US might have jeopardized its standing as the traditional guarantor of security in the Middle East— something that partners and adversaries alike have exploited.
***1. USA-Foreign policy-Middle East 2. Syrian civil war 3. USA-Military intervention-Syria
50. Borstelmann, Tim
Inside Every Foreigner: How Americans Understand Others
Diplomatic History,1, 2016: 1-18 ,40 , January
Thomas (“Tim”) Borstelmann is the Elwood N. and Katherine Thompson Distinguished Professor of Modern World History at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln. Previously, he taught for twelve years at Cornell University. He holds a B.A. (1980) from Stanford University and an M.A. (1986) and Ph.D. (1990) from Duke University. His first book, Apartheid’s Reluctant Uncle: The United States and Southern Africa in the Early Cold War (1993) was awarded SHAFR’s Stuart L. Bernath Book Prize. Borstelmann has also published The Cold War and the Color Line: American Race Relations in the Global Arena (2001) and The 1970s: A New Global History from Civil Rights to Economic Inequality (2012), and is a coauthor of Created Equal: A History of the United States (Pearson, 4th ed., 2013).
***1. USA-Foreign relations 2. USA-Historians of Foreign relations 3. USA-President address, Virginia, June 26, 2015
51. Shifter, Michael
Perspective: The US-Cuba Thaw and Hemispheric Relations
Current History,778, 2016: 75-76 ,115 , February
Washington’s policy of isolating Cuba succeeded only in alienating most of Latin America. Obama’s new course has been welcomed, though other irritants, such as US immigration policy, remain.
***1. USA-Foreign relations-Cuba 2. USA-Economic relations-Cuba
52. Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri
Antecedents and Memory as Factors in the Creation of the CIA
Diplomatic History,1, 2016: 140-154 ,40 , January
With its projection of the United States as a superpower, World War II was a watershed in diplomatic history. At the same time, historians acknowledge that memories of prewar phenomena–isolationism, Wilsonianism, anti-imperialism, Munich, etc.–helped to shape the postwar thoughts and actions of foreign policy makers. It would seem perverse to assert that post-1945 policy owed little or nothing to what passed before the United States entered the war. Such, however, has been the prevailing assumption about one branch of diplomatic history, foreign intelligence. This article addresses the assumption, then points up antecedents and memories that linked pre-1941 U.S. intelligence history to its post-1945 incarnation. Its argument is that, while Pearl Harbor, wartime intelligence reorganization, and the rise of Soviet power were essential causes of the creation of the CIA and of its sibling agencies, pre-war history also needs to be taken into consideration.
***1. USA-Intelligence 2. USA-Central Intelligence Agency
|Carvalho, Joao Miguel Duarte de||20|
|Christensen, Maya Mynster||31|
|Cude, Michael R||17|
|Forsberg , Tuomas||21|
|Fuller, C J||28|
|Fung, Courtney J||14|
|Hsueh, Chienwu (Alex)||2|
|Jo, Bee Yun||33|
|Martin, Nicole S||46|
|Martínez, Jose Ciro||42|
|McClendon, Gwyneth H||34|
|Paul, T V||30|
|Riedl, Rachel Beatty||34|
|Sandvik, Kristin Bergtora||25|
|Schendel, Willem Van||5|
|Schnurr, Matthew A||8|
|Taylor, Matthew M||7|
|Whiting, Sophie A||32|
|-Economic History, 1600–1800||26|
|-War against militias||31|
|-Land reclamation movements||36|
|-Emergency food aid||42|
|-Cyber security partnership-USA||45|
|-Foreign policy-Islamic state||48|
|-Foreign policy-Middle East||49|